Yathrib Before Islam

Abul hasan ‘Ali Nadwi

Yathrib’s Advanced And Composite Society

The hijrah of the Apostle (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) and his

companions from Mecca to Medina was, in no wise, an emigration from a town to

any hinterland known by the name of Yathrib but from one city to another. The

new home of the émigrés was, at the same time different in many respects from

the town they had left. For one, it was comparatively smaller from the former

but the society there was more complex in comparison to the social life of

Mecca. The Apostle was, therefore, expected to come across problems of a

different scope and nature owing to the subscription of its populace to

different religions offering various social codes and customs, not to forget its

divergent cultural patterns. The Herculean task ahead of him was one of

alleviating and overcoming such a prevailing situation. By and large, this feat

could only be accomplished by a prophet, commissioned and blessed by God with

wisdom, foresight, conviction and firmness of purpose, and capacity to smother

and blend the conflicting ideas and ideals into a new concept, one which could

usher the dying humanity into a new brave world. And, above all, such an arbiter

or savior had to have a loveable personality. How very aptly has God set forth

the services rendered by that benefactor of the human race:

“And (as for the believers, He) has attuned their hearts. If you had spent all

that is in the earth you could not have attuned their hearts, but Allah has

attuned them. Lo! He is Mighty, Wise” (Qur’an 8:63).

Economic And Cultural Conditions

Medina was a veritable oasis. The soil warranted a systematic cultivation

and, hence, its population was given over to farming and gardening. The main

produce of the city consisted of grapes and dates, of which there were numerous

groves,1 trellised and untrellised. Two or more palm-trees occasionally grew out

of a single root. (See Qur’an 141 and 13:4.)

Cereals and vegetables of different varieties were cultivated in the farms but

the date remained the chief item on the menu of the people, especially in times

of drought, for the fruit could be stored for sale or exchanged with other

necessities. The date palm was the queen of Arabian trees, the source of the

prosperity concerning the people of Medina, providing them with solid food and

fodder for the camels. Its stems, barks and leaves were also utilized in the

construction of houses and manufacture of other goods for daily use.2

Countless varieties of dates3 were grown in Madina where the people had evolved,

through experience and experimentation, methods to improve the quality and

production of dates. Among these was the distinction made between the male

pollens and female pistils of date palms and the fertilization of ovules which

was known as Tabir.4

Medina was a leading agricultural center, it had also a flourishing mercantile

business but not of the same magnitude as that of Mecca. The barren, rocky

valley of Mecca allowed no other occupation save to set out with merchandise

caravans regularly during the summer and winter season for their source of

livelihood.

Certain industrial pursuits were restricted to the Jews of Madina. They had

probably brought these expertise to Medina from Yemen as, for instance, Abni

Qaynuqa practiced the trade of goldsmiths. Wealthier than other tribes occupying

Medina, the houses of the Jews were flushed with money and abounding in gold and

silver.5

The soil of Medina is excessively fertile because of the volcanic matter that

made possible the surrounding lava plains. The town stands at the lower part of

the valley where water courses running from the higher altitudes irrigated the

agricultural lands and date-palm plantations. A verdant wadi well supplied with

water and laden with gardens and vineyards, then known as ‘Aqiq, was the

pleasure spot of Medina’s residents. There were many wells scattered all over

the town whereby almost every garden had one by which it was irrigated, for

underground water was found in excess.

The vineyards and date plantations, enclosed by garden walls, were known as

ha’yet.6 The wells had sweet and plentiful supply of water, which was channeled

to the orchards by means of canals or through lift irrigation.7

Barley was the main cereal produced in Medina with wheat as the second one, but

vegetables were grown in abundance. Transactions of different types8 like

Muzababa9, Muhaqala,10 Mukhabra,11 Mu’awama,12 etc. were in vogue, some of which

were retained by Islam while others were modified or forbidden altogether.

The coins in circulation at Mecca and Medina were similar to that of the ones

mentioned in the section covering Mecca. However, as the inhabitants of Medina

had to transact their business in foodgrains and fruits, they had more of their

dealings with measures of capacity. These measures were Mudd, S’a, Faraq, ‘Araq

and Wasaq. The measures of weight prevalent in Medina were dirham, shihaq, danaq,

qirat, naqwat ratl, qintar and auqiya.13

Medina had a fertile soil but it was not self-sufficient in food-grains, so it

had to import some of its needed foodstuffs. Flour,14 refined butter and honey

were brought from Syria. Tirmidhi relates on the authority of Qatada b. N’uman

that the staple diet of the people of Medina consisted of dates and barley but

those who were rich used to purchase flour from the Syrian merchants15 for their

own consumption while other members of the family had to make do with dates and

barley.16 This report brings to light the culinary habits as well as the

disparity in the standards of living of the well-to-do and the poorer sections

of the society in Medina existing before the migration of the Apostle (peace and

blessings of Allah be upon him).

In their character and disposition, the Jews have remained unchanged in every

place and age, bringing to pass almost the same course of human affairs. In

Medina, they constituted the affluent class while the Arab tribesman, like other

naïve and guileless Bedouins, were not bothered about the future and did not

even concern themselves on saving for a rainy day. Apart from that, generosity

was in their blood, which manifested itself in selflessly spending for the

entertainment of their guests. Naturally enough, they were very often forced to

borrow money with interest from the Jews by pledging their personal property.

The livestock raised by the people consisted, for the most part, of camels, cows

and ewes. Even then, the camels were also employed for irrigating the

agricultural lands wherein they are finally called al-Ibil un-Nawadeh when used

in such manner. Medina had several pastures, of which the two, Dhoghabata and

Ghaba, were more well-known. Residents of Medina used to put their flocks for

grazing on these pasturelands, while at the same time making such grazing

grounds as their source of firewood. They reared horses as well, though not in

the same scale as did the inhabitants of Mecca, for military operations. Banu

Sulaym were distinguished for their horsemanship although they used to import

their horses from other regions.

Medina had a number of markets, the most important of which was the one

conducted by Bani Qaynuqa which consisted of silver and gold ornaments, clothes

and other handiworks, cotton and silk fabrics. Varied carpets and curtains with

decorative designs17 were normally available in this market. Similarly, there

were shopkeepers who sold ambergris and quicksilver.18 Numerous forms of business

transactions had come into practice, some of which were upheld by Islam while

others were forbidden. The dealings that had come into vogue were known as

najash-wa-ahtikar, talaqqi ur-ruk’ban, ba’i ul-masarrat, ba’i nasi`ah, ba’i al-hadir

lalbadi, ba’i ul-mujazafah, ba’i ul-mudhabana and makhadrah.19

The social and cultural life of the common people in Medina was, thanks to their

elegant taste, fairly well advanced. Two-storeyed houses were common in Madina20

where some of these had even attached kitchen gardens. The people were used to

drinking sweet water, which often had to be brought in from a distance.

Cushions21 were used for sitting and the household utensils included bowls and

drinking vessels made of stones and glasses. Lamps were manufactured in

different designs.22 Bags and small baskets were used for carrying articles of

daily use and corn from the fields. The residences of those who were affluent,

particularly the Jews, were well-decorated with other types of furniture. The

jewelry worn by the womenfolk were bracelets, armlets, wristlets, earring

circlets, rings, golden or gem necklaces,23 etc.

Spinning and weaving were popular domestic endeavors from which women find

solace in their spare time at Medina. Sewing and dyeing of clothes,

house-building, brick-laying and stone crafts were some of the manual arts

already known to the city folk before the Apostle (peace and blessings of Allah

be upon him) emigrated there.

Footnotes:

The date-palm groves of Medina grew into thick clusters spreading out extensively. A tradition says that Abu Talha was one of those Ansar who possessed a grove so thickly clustered that if a small bird got into his grove, it found it difficult to come out of it. Once, when he was offering prayers his eyes happened to meet a sparrow which was fluttering to get out. He was so fascinated that his thoughts turned away from the prayer for a moment. He felt so wrong by his momentary inattentiveness to the prayers that he gave away that grove called B’irha for the sake of God.
See Bukhari, Kitab lul ‘Ilm and its commentary by Ibn Hajr and ‘Oyeni.
Arab authors list an enormous vocabulary for dates which is an indication of the importance it occupied for the Arabs, in general, and for the people of Medina, in particular. Adab al-Katib by Ibn Qutaiba, Fiqah ul-Lughah by Th’alabi and Al-Makhassis by Ibn Sidah need be seen in the connection. There are also treatises written on dates by other authors.
The device used was to incise ovules for injecting pollens.
Al-Yahud fi balad il-‘Arab, p. 128
Bukhari, Kitab ul Maghazi, K’ab b. Malik says that after he had endured much from the hardness of the people, he walked off and climbed over the wall of Abu Qatada’s orchard.
See the Tradition related by Abu Huraira in which he makes a mention of channels and spades for digging them. (Muslim).
See the chapters dealing with cultivation and farmers in the Sihah.
It meant the sale of fruit on the palm-trees for a specified measures of dates.
It meant the sale of harvest before it was reaped for specified measure of the same foodgrain.
It stood for renting land for a third or a quarter of the produce on the condition that the seed was provided by the owner of the land. It was called muza’a if the seed was provided by the cultivator but certain lexicographers consider the two to be synonyms (See the commentary on Sharh Muslim by an-Nawawi).
Selling of harvest two or three years ahead.
For details see the books on Traditions and Al-Taratib-al-Idariyah by ‘Abdul Ha’I al-Kattani, Vol. pp. 413-15.
The word used in Arabic is darmak which stands for fine, soft powder of wheat meal.
Known as dafit, they were Nabatacan merchants as stated by Muhammad Tahir Patni. (Majm’a Bahar, Vol. III, p. 140).
See Tirmidhi commentary on the Qur’anic verse 4:107.
In a Tradition related by ‘Aisha contained in the Bukhari and Muslim, the word used for the curtain is Qiram, which, according to Muhammad Tahir Patni, was fine multi-coloured woolen fabric or a cloth with decorative designs hung as a screen in the bridal chamber (Majm’a Bahar ul-Anwar, Hydrebad, Vol. IV, p. 258).
Al-Taratib al-Idariyah, Vol. I, p. 97
For details see the chapters dealing with business transactions in the books on traditions and Fiqah which explain the legality or otherwise of the different forms these transactions. Also see Majm’a Bahar ul-Anwar al-Idariyah, Vol. I, p, 97)
See the Traditions relating to the arrival of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) in Medina and his stay in the ground floor of Abu Ayyub Ansari’s house.
At-Taratib al-Idariyah, Vol. I, p.97
Ibid., p. 104
Relating the event of Ifak, contained in the Kitab ul-Mughazi of the Bukhari. ‘Aisha has used the word Jiza for the necklace lost by her. The word stands for precious stones of white and black colour found in Yemen at Zifar.

Religious And Social Conditions

By and large, the inhabitants of Madina followed the Quraish whom they held to be the guardians of the Holy sanctuary and the matrix of their religious creed as well as social ethics. Pagan like other Arabs, the population of Madina was, by and large, devotees of the same idols as worshipped by the inhabitants of Hijaz, and of Mecca in particular, in addition to a few regional or tribal deities considered to be the personal or private gods of these clans. Thus, Manat was the oldest and the most popular deity of the populace of Madina whereby Aus and Khazraj rendered honor to it as the copartner of God. The idol was set up on the seashore, between Mecca and Madina, at Mushallal near Qudayd. Al-Lat was the favorite god of the people of Ta’if while the Quraishites revered al-Uzza as their national deity. It was so because the people of every place had a particular patron-god to which they used to be emotionally attached. If anybody in Madina had a wooden replica of an idol, he normally called it Manat, as was the idol kept in his house by ‘Amr b. Jamuh, the chief of Bani Salama in Medina, a thing that he had known before his conversion to Islam.1

Ahmad b. Hanbal related a tradition from ‘Urwa, on the authority of ‘Aisha, which says that: “The Ansar used to cry labbaik2 to Manat and worship it near Mushallal before accepting Islam. And anyone who performed pilgrimage in its (Manat) name did not consider it lawful to round the mounts of Safa and Marwa.3 Thus the people once inquired from the Apostle (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him), “O Messenger of Allah, we felt some hesitation during the pagan past in going round Safa and Marwah.” God then sent down the revelation, “Lo! As-Safa and al-Marwah are amongst the indications of Allah” (Qur’an 2:158).

However, we are not aware of any other idol in Medina equally glamorized as al-Lat, Manat, al-Uzza and Hubal or venerated like them, nor was there any idol set up in Medina which was paid a visit by the people from other tribes. Medina does not appear to have been bristling with idols unlike Mecca where one used to set up an idol in every house and the vendors offered them for the sake of the pilgrims. Mecca was, all in all, the prototype and symbol of idolatry in Arabia whereas Medina simply trailed behind it.

In Madina, the people used to have two days on which they engaged in games. When the Apostle (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) came to Madina, he said to them, “God has substituted something better for you, the day of sacrifice and the day of breaking the fast.”4 Certain commentators of the Traditions hold the view that the two festivals celebrated by the people of Medina were Nawroz and Mehrjan, which had perhaps been taken over by them from the Persians.5

Aus and Khazraj came of a lineage whose nobility was acknowledge even by the Quraish. Ansars were descendants of Banu Qahtan belonging to the southern stock of ‘Arab ‘Arbah, with whom the Quraish had marital affinity. Hashim b. ‘Abdu Manaf had married Salama bint ‘Amr b. Zayd of the Banu Adiy b. al-Najjar, which was a clan of Khazraj. Nevertheless, the Quraish considered their own ancestry to be nobler than those of the Arab clans of Medina. On the day of the battle of Badr, when ‘Utba, Shayba, and Walid b. Rabi’a came ahead of their ranks and challenged the Muslims for a single combat, some youths of the Ansar stepped forth to face them. The Quraishite warriors, however, asked who they were and on coming to know that they belonged to the Ansar, replied, “We have nothing to do with you.” Then one of them called out, “Muhammad (peace be upon him), send forth some of own rank and blood to face us.” Thereupon the Apostle ordered, “Advance, O ‘Ubayda b. Al-Harith; Advance, O Hamza; Advance, O ‘Ali.” When the three were already up at them and had already told their names, the Quraishite said, “Yes, these are noble and our peers.” The self-conceited Quraish used to look down upon farming, the occupation taken up by the Ansar owing to the physical features of their city. We find a commensurate display of similar egotism with what Abu Jahal said when he was slain by two Ansar lads who were sons of ‘Afra. Abu Jahl said to ‘Abdullah b. Mas’ud although he was nearing his end, “Would that somebody else than a cultivator had slain me!”6

Footnotes: 1 Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi, Bulugh al-‘Arab fi Ma’arafata Ahwa al-‘Arab, Vol. I, p. 346 and Vol. II, p. 208. 2 Lit. “At Your service.” 3 A few more Traditions have been related by other companions in this connection. 4 Bulugh al-‘Arab. 1 Ibn Hisham, Vol. I, p. 625 2 Muhammad b. Tahir Patni writes in Majm’a al-Bahar that the Arabs did not consider cultivation to be an occupation befitting a man of noble descent. Abu Jahl meant that if anybody else than the sons of ‘Afra, who was a cultivator, had killed him he would not have felt ashamed. (Vol. I, p. 68)

Physical And Geographical Conditions

At the time the Apostle (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) migrated

to Yathrib, the city was divided into distinct sections inhabited by the Arabs

and the Jews, with a separate district allocated to each clan. Each division

consisted of the residential quarters and the soil used for agricultural

purposes while in another part they used to have their strongholds or

fortress-like structures.1 They had such fifty-nine strongholds in Madina.2 Dr.

Israel Wellphenson writes about these strongholds:

The fortresses were of great importance in Yathrib for the people belonging to a

clan took shelter in them during raids by the enemy. They afforded protection to

the women and children who retreated to them in times of clashes and forays

while the men went out to engage with the enemy. These strongholds were also

utilized as warehouses for the storage of food-grains and fruits as the enemy

could easily pilfer them if left in the open places. Goods and arms were also

kept in such citadels and caravans carrying the merchandise used to halt near

them for the markets were usually held along the doors of these fortifications.

The same bulwarks also housed the synagogues and educational institutions known

as Midras.3 The costly goods which were stored in the fortresses show that the

religious scriptures were also kept in them. Jewish leaders and chieftains used

to assemble in these fortresses for consultations or for taking decisions on

important issues which were usually sealed by taking an oath on the scripture.4

Defining the word Utum, as these fortresses were called, Dr. Wellphenson writes,

the term connotes, in Hebrew, to shut out or to obstruct. When it is used in

connection with a wall it denotes such windows as are shut down from outside

that can be opened from inside. The word is also reflective of a defensive wall

or rampart and with that, it is safe to presume that Utum was the name given by

the Jews to their fortresses. They had shutters which could be closed from the

outer side and opened from the inner side.

Yathrib was, thus, a cluster of such strongholds or fortified suburbs which had

taken the shape of a town because of their proximity. The Qur’an also hints to

this peculiar feature of the city in these words:

“That which Allah gives as spoil to His messenger from the people of the

township” (Qur’an 59:7).

Again, another reference to Medina signifies the same peculiarity:

“They will not fight against you in a body save in fortified villages or from

behind walls” (Qur’an 59:14).

Lava plains occupy a place of special importance in the physical geography of

Madina. These plains, formed by the matter flowing from a volcano which cools

into rocks of burnt basalt of dark brown and black color and of irregular shape

and size, stretch out far and wide, and cannot be traversed either by foot or

even on horses or camels. Two of these lava plains are more extensive; one is to

the east and is known as Harrat Waqim, while the other lies in the west and is

called Harrat Wabarah. Majduddin Firozabadi writes in the Al-Maghanim al-Matabata

fi Ma’alim ut-Tabbah that there are several lava plains surrounding Medina. The

two lava plains of the east and west have virtually made the city a fortified

refuge that can be attacked only from the north (where ditches were dug on the

occasion of the battle of the trenches). On the southern side, the oases

thickets and clumped date-palm groves as well as intertiered house of the

densely populated area defend the city against incursion by an enemy.5 The

strategic location of Madina was one of the factors responsible for its

selection as the émigré’s new home.

Harrata Waqim, which is located east of the city and is arrayed with numerous

verdant oases, was more populous than Harrata Wabarah. When the Apostle

emigrated to Yathrib, the more influential Jewish tribes, like Banu an-Nadir and

Banu Qurayza, were living in Harrata Waqim along with some of the important

clans of Aus, such as, Banu ‘Abdul Ash’hal, Banu Haritha and Banu Mu’awiya. The

eastern lava plain was thus named Waqim because of a locality of the same name

in the district occupied by Bani ‘Abdul Ash’hal.6

Footnotes:

Al-Yahud fil Balad il-Arab, p. 116
Al-Samhudi, Wafa-ul-wafa’ fi Akhbar ul-Mustafa, Vol. P. 116.
An abbreviation of Bet ha-Midras, signifying house of study or the place where students of the law gathered to listen to Midrash. Used in contradiction to the Bet ha-Sefer i.e. the primary school attended by children under the age of thirteen years to learn the scriptures, it goes without saying that the Jews of Medina had higher institutions of learning. (Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. II, Art. “Bet ha-Midras”).
Al-Yahud fi balad il-Arab, pp. 116-117
Al-Maghanim al-Matabata fi Ma’alim ut-Tabbah, pp. 108-114.
Dr. Muhammad Husain Haikal, Manzal-al-Wahy, p. 557

Aus And Kharaj

The two great Arab tribes of Madina, Aus and Kharaj, traced a common descent

from the tribe of Azd belonging to Yemen from where successive waves of

emigrants inundated the northern regions from time to time. The exodus was

brought about by a variety of reasons, some of which were the unstable political

conditions in Yemen, Abyssinian aggression and the disruption of the irrigation

system supporting agriculture after the destruction of the Ma’rib Dam. However,

both the Aus and Khazraj came down to Madina after the Jews. The Aus settled

down in ‘Awali, an area in the south-east of Madina while the Khazraj occupied

the lands in the central and northern parts of the city. With the northern part

of the city being low-lying, nothing intervened between the habitation of the

Khazraj and Harrata Wabrah in the West.

The Khazraj consisted of four clans: Malik, ‘Adiy, Mazin and Dinar, all

collaterals to Banu Najjar, and also known as Taym Al-Lat. Banu Najjar took up

residence in the central part of the city, where now stands the Prophet’s

mosque. The Aus, having settled in the fertile, arable lands were the neighbours

of the more influential and powerful Jewish tribe. The lands occupied by Khazraj

were comparatively less fertile and they had only Banu Qaynuqa as their

neighbours.1

It is rather difficult to reckon the numerical strength of Aus and Khazraj with

any amount of certainty, but an estimate can be formed from different battles in

which they took part after the Apostle’s emigration to Madina. The combatants

drafted from these two tribes on the occasion of the conquest of Mecca numbered

four thousand.2

When the Apostle (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) migrated to Madina,

the Arabs were powerful and in a position to play the first fiddle. The Jews

being disunited had taken a subordinate position by seeking alliance either with

the Aus or the Khazraj. Their mutual relationship was even worse for they were

more tyrannical to their comrades in religion in times of clashes than to the

Arabs themselves. It was due to the antipathy and bitterness between them that

the Bani Qaynuqa were forced to abandon their cultivated lands and resorted to

working as artisans.3

The Aus and the Khazraj, too, often fell into disputes. The first of these

encounters was the battle of Samyr while the last, the battle of Bu’ath, was

fought five years before the Hijrah.4 The Jews always tried to sow dissension

between the Aus and Khazraj and made them run foul of one another so as to

divert their attention from them. The Arab tribes were conscious of their

nefarious activities: “the fox” was the popular nickname they had given to the

Jew.

An incident related by Ibn Hisham, on the authority of Ibn Is’haq, sheds light

upon the character of the Jews. Sh’ath b. Qays was a Jew, old and bitter against

the Muslims. He passed by a place where a number of the Apostle’s companions

from Aus and Khazraj were talking together. He was filled with rage seeing their

amity and unity. So he asked the Jewish youth friendly with the Ansars to join

them and mention the battle of Bu’ath and the preceding battles, and to recite

some of the poems concerning those events in order to stir up their tribal

sentiments.

The cunning device of Sh’ath was not in vain, for later on the two tribes had

been at daggers drawn in the past. Their passions were aroused and they started

bragging and quarreling until they were about to unsheathe their swords when the

Apostle came with some of the Muhajirins. He pacified them and appealed to their

bonds of harmony brought about by Islam. Then the Ansars realized that the enemy

had duped them. The Aus and Khazraj wept, embraced and welcomed back one another

as if nothing had happened.5

Footnotes:

Makkahwal Madinah, p. 311
Al-Imta, Vol. I, p. 364
Makkahwal Madinah, p. 322
Fath-ul-Bari, Vol. VII, p. 85. See Ibn Kathir for the detailed account of the battle of Bu’ath
Ibn Hisham, Vol. I, pp. 555-6

Relgious And Cultural Conditions

The Jews of Arabia spoke Arabic although their dialect was interspersed with

Hebrew, for they had not completely given up their religious purposes. In regard

to the missionary activities of the Jews, Dr. Israel Wellphenson says:

There is less uncertainty about the opportunities offered to the Jews in

consolidating their religious supremacy over Arabia. Had they so wished, they

could have used their influence to their best advantage. But as it is too well

known to every student of the history of the Jews, they have never made any

effort to invite other nations to embrace their faith, rather, for certain

reasons, they have been forbidden to preach this to others.1

Be that as it may, many of the Aus and the Khazraj and certain other Arab tribes

had been Judaized owing to their close social connections with the Jews or ties

of blood. Thus, there were Jews in Arabia, who were of Israelite descent, with

an addition of Arab converts. The well-known poet Ka’b b. Ashraf (often called

an an-Nadir) belonged to the tribe of Tayy. His father had married in the tribe

of Bani an-Nadir but he grew up to be a zealous Jew. Ibn Hisham writes about

him, “Ka’b b. Ashraf who was one of the Tayy of the sub-section of Bani Nabhan

whose mother was from the Bani al-Nadir.”2

There was a custom among the pagan Arabs that if the sons of anybody died in

infancy, he used to declare to God that if his next son remained alive, he would

entrust him to a Jew for bringing him up on his own religion. A tradition

referring to this custom finds place in the Sunan Abu Dawud:

“Ibn ‘Abbas said: Any woman whose children died used to take the vow that if her

next child remained alive, she would make him a Jew. Accordingly, when Banu

an-Nadir were deported they had the sons of Ansar with them; they said, ‘We will

not forsake our sons.’ Thereupon the revelation came: ‘There is no compulsion in

religion.’”3

Footnotes:

Dr. Israel Wellphenson, Al-Yahud fil Balad il-Arab, p. 72
Ibn Hisham, Vol. I, p. 514
Sunan Abu Dawud, Kitab-ulJihad, Vol. II

Finances

The financial relationship of the Medinite Jews with the other tribes was

mainly limited to lending money on interest or on security or sequestration of

personal property upon payment failure. In an agricultural region like Madina,

there was ample scope for a money-lending business since the farmers very often

needed capital for purposes of cultivation.1

The system of lending money was not limited merely to pledging personal property

as security for repayment of the loan, for the lenders often forced the

borrowers to pledge even their women and children. The incident relating to the

murder of Ka’b b. Ashraf, narrated by Bukhari, bears testimony to the prevailing

practices:

Muhammad b. Maslamah said to Ka’b, “Now, we hope that you will lend us a

camel-load or two (of food).” Ka’b answered, “I will do so (but) you must pledge

something with me.” [The Muslims] retorted, “What do you want?” (Ka’b) replied,

“Pledge your women with me”. Then they responded, “How can we pledge our women

with you, the most beautiful of the Arabs?” Ka’b parried, “Then pledge your sons

with me.” [The Muslims] countered, “How can we pledge our sons with you, when

later they would be abused on this account, and people would say, ‘They had been

pledged for a camel-load or two (of food)!’ This would disgrace us! We shall,

however, pledge our armour with you.”2

Such transactions produced, naturally enough, hatred and repugnance between the

mortgagees and the mortgagors, particularly since the Arabs were known to be

sensitive where the honor of their womenfolk is concerned.

Concentration of capital in the hands of the Jews had given them power to

exercise economic pressure on the social economy of the city. The stock markets

were at their mercy. They rigged the market through hoarding, thereby creating

artificial shortages and causing rises and falls in prices. Most of the people

in Medina detested the Jews owing to these foul practices, usury and

profiteering, which were against the substance of the common Arabs.3

With their instinctive tendency of avarice, the Jews were bound to follow an

expansionist policy as pointed out by De Lacy O’ Leary in the Arabia before

Muhammad,

In the seventh century, there was a strong feeling between these Bedwin4 and the

Jewish colonies because the latter, by extending their agricultural area, were

encroaching upon the land which Bedwins regarded as their own pastures.5

The Jews, being driven by nothing but their haughty cupidity and selfishness in

their social transactions with the Arab tribes, Aus and Khazraj, spent lavishly,

though judiciously, in creating a rift between the two tribes. On a number of

occasions in the past, they had successfully pitted one tribe against the other,

leaving both tribes worn out and economically ruined. The only objective Jews

had set before themselves was how to maintain their economic dominion over

Medina.

For many centuries, the Jews had been waiting for a redeemer. This belief of the

Jews in the coming prophet, about which they used to talk with the Arabs, had

prepared the Aus and the Khazraj to give their faith readily to the Apostle.6

Footnotes:

Bani Israel fil-Qur’an wal-Sunnah, pp. 80-81
Bukhari, Kitab-ul-Maghazi, See Qatl K’ab b. Ashraf
Banu Israel fil-Qur’an wal-Sunnah, p. 79
Dr. Lacy O’ Leary means the Aus Khazraj and other Arab Tribes living in the neighbourhood of Medina.
Arabia before Mohammad, p. 174
Dr. Mohammad Syed Al-Tantawi, Banu Israel fil-Qur’an wal-Sunnah, pp. 73-101

Religious Affairs Of The Jews

The Jews considered themselves to be blessed with divine religion and law. They had their own seminaries, known as Midras which imparted instruction in their religious and secular science, law, history and Talmudic lore. Similarly, for offering prayers and performing other religious rites, they had synagogues where they normally came together to discuss their affairs. They observed the laws brought about by the Pentateuch together with the many other rigid and uncompromising customary rules imposed by their priests and rabbis, and celebrated Jewish feasts and fasts. For example, they kept, on the tenth day of the month of Tishri, the fast of the Atonement.1

Footnotes:

Bani Israel fil-Qur’an wal-Sunnah, pp. 80-81

The Jews

The view preferred by historians about Jewish settlements in Arabia, at

large, and those in Madina, in particular, is that they date from the first

century A.D. Dr. Israel Wellphenson writes that:

After Palestine and Jerusalem were laid waste in 70 A.D. and the Jews dispersed

to different parts of the world, a number of them made their way to Arabia. This

in accordance with the Jewish historian Josephus, who was himself present at the

siege of Jerusalem and had led the Jewish units on several occasions. Arab

sources also corroborate his statement.

Three Jewish tribes, Qaynuqa, an-Nadir and Qurayza, were settled in Madina. The

number of adults belonging to these tribes was over two thousand. Qaynuqa was

estimated to have seven hundred combatants, with an-Nadir having almost the same

number too, while the grown ups of Qurayza were reported to be between seven and

nine hundred.1

These tribes were not on good terms with one another and very often they came to

blows. Dr. Israel Wellphenson says:

Bani Qaynuqa were set against the rest of the Jews because they had sided with

Bani Khazraj in the battle of Bu’ath in which Bani an-Nadir and Bani Qurayza had

inflicted a crushing defeat and massacred Bani Qaynuqa even though the latter

had paid bloodwit for the prisoners of war. The bitterness among the Jewish

tribes continued to persist after the battle of Bu’ath. When Bani Qaynuqa

subsequently fell out with the Ansar, no other Jewish tribe came to their aid

against them (Ansar).2

The Qur’an also makes a reference to the mutual discord between the Jews:

“And when We made with you a covenant (saying): Shed not the blood of your

people nor turn (party of) your people out of your dwellings. Then you ratified

(Our covenant) and you were witnesses (thereto).

Yet it is you who slay each other and drive out party of your people from their

homes, supporting one another against them by sin and transgression—and if they

come to you as captives you would ransom them, whereas their expulsion was

itself unlawful for you (Qur’an 2:84-5).

The Jews of Madina had their dwellings in their own separate localities in

different parts of the city. When Bani an-Nadir and Bani Qurayza forced Bani

Qaynuqa to vacate their settlement in the outskirts of the town, they took up

their quarters in a section of the city. Bani an-Nadir had their habitation in

the higher parts, some four or five kilometers from the city, towards the valley

of Bathan, which housed some of the riches groves and agricultural lands of

Madina. The third Jewish tribe, Bani Qurayza, occupied a vicinity known as

Mehzor, which is a few kilometers to the south of the city.3

The Jews of Medina lived in compact settlements where they had erected

fortifications and citadels. They were, however, not independent but lived as

confederate clans of the stronger Arab tribes, which guaranteed them immunity

from raids by the nomads. Predatory incursions by the nomadic tribes being a

perpetual menace, the Jewish tribes had to continually seek the protection of

one or the other chieftains of the powerful Arab tribes.4

Footnotes:

These figures are based one of the number of Jews of Different tribes given by the biographers like Ibn Hisham in connection with the exile of Bani An-Nadir, the punishment of Bani Qurayza, etc. Bani Qaynuqa, an-Nadir and Qurayza were the chief tribes consisting of several clans as, for example, Bani Badhal was a clan allied to Bani Qurayza. A number of persons belonging to this clan who accepted Islam were eminent companions. Bani Zanba was another branch of Bani an-Najjar, Bani Saida, Bani Th’alaba, Bani Jafna, Bani al Harith etc. have been mentioned in the treaty made by the Apostle with the Jews. After mentioning these tribes the treaty says, “The chiefs and friends of the Jews are as themselves.” Samhudi says in Wafa-ul-Wafa that the Jews were divided into more than twenty clans.
Al-Yahud fi Balad il-Arab
Dr. Mohammad Syed al-Tantawi, Banu Israel fil Qur’an wal-Sunnah, p. 77
Dr. Jawwad ‘Ali, Tarikh al-‘Arab Qabl al-Islam, (Baghdad), Vol. Vii, p. 23.

Difference Between Meccan And Medinite Societies

Yathrib had been marked by Providence to shelter the Messenger of God (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) after his migration and to bring forth not only the first Islamic Society but also to serve as a focal point for the universal call of Islam. The great honor accorded to the city makes it necessary to know its distinctive features, such as its physical, social and cultural conditions, the Arab tribes living there and their mutual relations, the economic and political manipulations of the Jews and their fighting spirit as well as the way of life sustained by its fertile land. Various religions, cultures and communities flourished in the city tremendously, in contrast with Mecca, which was dominated by one faith and one cultural pattern. The details given here, albeit briefly, depict the state of affairs in Madina when the Apostle made his debut in that city.